Tuesday, September 6, 2016

You can do it? No you cannot. A take on how neoliberalism influences resistance

Dear Diaries,

Okay that was a joke, i don't have a diary, but i do have rants, a lot of them. This rant is a very old one, it emerged as i dug deeper in unpacking the mechanism in which neoliberalism orchestrate the way we think about life. This rant is about quotes, motivational quotes in specific. Let me tell you one thing about motivational quotes, they fucking get on my nerves so badly, and i am going to tell you why:

Our imagination of how to live is assembled pieces of what we have been exposed to, ideas, situation, life experiences, neighborhoods, smells, ideologies, anything can  play a role in how we imagine our lives, but a very important aspect of what dictates our social aspiration in terms of our economic class  - as in climbing up the class ladder if we ever could - is highly influenced by quotes. Whether intentionally or not, motivational quotes centralize our economic status within ourselves. In order to make my point clear here's an example: You Can Do It.

Who doesn't know this quote, it is small, simple and it motivates you. Imagine yourself being exploited by the capitalist load of production (and by load i mean load and not only mode - them rhyming is a pure coincidence for the lack of better term) load as in the pressure to produce all the time. But then sometimes you can't do it. No you can't do it most of the times if you are born from a working class family within a capitalist economical system that is built on sustaining class hierarchy.

My problem with this quote and the rest its quotes relatives from its type is that it removes the blame from a structural system that is entrenched in our everyday life and spill the blame on you. You could not do it, then it is your fault. You might have been too lazy, or even a looser. It is not capitalism's fault anymore, it is you who is a looser, who did could not climb up the class ladder, you probably were not smart enough, didn't get exploited enough or figured a way to exploit other people enough to climb the class ladder. The origin of the problem in your head becomes yourself, rather than acknowledging that there is an economical system set in place that does not allow people to out grow their class. The problem with this mode of thinking is that it shys away from looking at privilege, circumstance, color, location, geographies, it just erases everything and puts human being in the center of blame: you failed because of you not because of capitalism.

Another quote would be if you can dream it, you can do it. So what now, everybody who is poor lacks imagination? What else other than food on your table and a roof above your head will you be dreaming about if you are homeless and hungry?

There are billions of motivational quote that are rotating around the internet, in paper books, in PDFs, on TV, in ad campaigns, on the radio, etc. Look at the T-shirt you are wearing, it might have one of those. We are drowned in them, immersed, soaked with those quotes, and have you ever wondered why? And most importantly how did we get here aslan (this is an arabic word it means in the first place but it is more compatible with expressing my rage)?

So let me go back to my point about neoliberalism. One of the conclusions i reached after reading a lot of literature about neoliberalism is that its most vicious traits is that it can infiltrate our imagination and become part of how we view life. Through those motivational quotes, neoliberalism (and not as an abstract hand but as a system with very multi functional structures that are institutionalized in our lives) influence our sense of resistance against capitalism by constantly feeding us those quotes that situate us in the center of the blame thus our attention is shifted from fighting capitalism to actually diving into it. Becoming part of it, aspiring to climb the class ladder, get richer, work more, invest our bodies and minds and imagination in endless labor because someone decided to tell us: we can do it, and if we dream it, we can do it.

So now you will be thinking, but some people did it. Of course, a very small number of them because they figured out how to exploit other people's labor value. duh!

It is 1 am, i am having one of my intense insomniac fits again for almost two month now, which is why i am unable to properly write in length, but i am thankfully still able to think, and i thought maybe someone out there is as frustrated as i am with those bullshit malicious motivational quotes and would feel better if they read that someone else is also ranting about them.

When i said this is a rant, i meant it is because this is just an opinion that gather connections rather than references for it to become a valid academic argument, but that should never discredit it i guess.

One day i want to turn this into a paper, don't ask when, but until then, until we meet again in some rant.

Friday, July 15, 2016

The Necro-structure of nowadays

It have not been so beautiful, the world i mean. There were always wars and occupation, the world have never been close to perfect. But the everyday life i knew/know went through phases, it became locally structured around death in 2005, 2006 while all the explosions took place in Beirut, but then it took little breaks. Up until now i don't know if I or anyone in this country processed that.

And then the revolutions started happening and death and imprisonment continued to mark the present.  I stand baffled by the violence this moment carry, is it me, or is it increasing, geographically expanding out of proportion? Do we just have more access to news via social media, or is it really growing? I can't tell with the haziness of the moment, and something in me is too hesitant to say why is it so important if it increases or decreases, the devastating part is still the same, people are dying when they didn't chose to.

I had my take on why some lives are given more importance than others during explosions and massacres, (link here).... but now a short while later, i am tired of this debate, it became such an archetype of a conversation, like a mimic of itself. Most articles are identical, different phrasing with the same ideas. Why the world feels more compassion with lives in france more than in Turkey or Syria or Iraq or Beirut, every single time. It feel like conversations are stuck in circumscribed banalities.

The death all over the world has been putting it more and more in perspective, and all questions are valid, but my nagging questions would be how do we survive with so much death news around and so little mourning?

Our days have become structured around death. We wake up to it, we sleep to it, and the political situation from which everyone stands is a volcano. We need to tip toe around every argument, at least those of us who are aware of how language and the way we talk about anything is highly discursive.
From Syria to France, to Palestine to Iraq to Egypt to the US to Lebanon to Kashmir, and many more and all the layers, complexities and specificities of each crime against human beings that is happening, how much talking are we doing, and how much fighting (which are essential) but how much mourning are we doing as well.

It is becoming scarier how our affects are being policed by our defenses against the power status quo in which any conversation takes place. Are we entitled of sadness in a world that constantly dismisses it for who's sadness is more valid? Are we entitled of rage under highly authoritarian regimes that use every way to dissolve rage once they can't oppress it? How can a brain fathom all the complexities of this moment without collapsing while its trying to cope with what is happening.

The excessiveness of violence have become a mega production that aligns perfectly with capitalism. Necro-Mega-everything and our ability to mourn sounds so juvenile in the face of all the political fights we have to take.

Today is a compilation of the observation of the necro-structure of nowadays that broke my threshold of absorbing witnessing violence.

So excuse me today I don't want justify where i stand from all of this, my political stance today is to feel sad and mourn all this death from years until now, i can't take the acceleration of everything including how we think of things and how we analyze them anymore, today i will give myself the space we all need to actually feel sad for this world, regardless of how juvenile this sounds.

Wednesday, February 17, 2016

The misery of reading thousands of articles about the misery of sex in the "Arab World" paraphrased

The “Sexual Misery of the Arab World” article recently published in the New York Times has recently sparked a lot of discontent in the social media, article shared with a sense of discomfort with the way the article was written. In this piece I try to slightly highlight my own sense of discomfort and disagreement with the article. I also try to highlight some of the problematic issues this article renders and the ways in which they are tackled. But most importantly in this article I ask questions that encompass a deeper gaze at our historical moment.

Here I must note that in the age of heightened surveillance, whether police surveillance or writers policing of each other, I must state that my opinion about the piece written is not out of policing but out of my deep belief in debate and disagreement as a feminist duty. We have been using disagreement for a long time as a point of arrival, disagreement is usually where conversations end. This time i would like to use it as a point of departure.

The “Sexual Misery of the Arab World” article is not an exception, it did not come as a surprise, similar articles are being written and published to the extent that reading an article about our temporal history has become predominantly some sort of parrot mimicking. Reading the same article over and over, with different authors, written in different words.  Of course, there are few articles as exceptions, article that take into consideration political geographies and the profound layers of migration and mobility in addition to issues of sexual violence. What is disturbing about it is that those articles are exceptions.

The problem is not that we are talking about sexual violence in the Arab world, on the contrary, talking and objecting to violence should never stop. The problem is how we are talking about it, how are we asking our questions, and most importantly how are we complicating our questions. In Germany, Cologne have witnessed a sample of the Tahrir Square violence with the Cologne sexual violence incident, the nightmare we experienced in the “Arab World” has sneaked out of our geographical borders and paid the “west” a visit, and now suddenly the whole world is in panic. The world showed solidarity against the mass sexual assault in Tahrir Square, but the world did not panic until it got a hint of what was happening. And suddenly brown bodies – the refugees became more vulnerable, more disposable, nations outrage boiled down to blaming the assault on all the refugees. Anyone want to sit with me and talk to me for hours to convince me that in Germany and Europe there are no men who rape?  Actually I was verbally harassed once in downtown Cairo by a white European man who called me “Ya Mozza” with a ridiculous broken accent, but I don’t see Egyptians calling all white people harassers, are they? We are in a very critical moment of history where the Nato is about to interfere in order to block refugees from getting into Europe, can our present get more violent?!

So what do we have here now, there is sexual violence in the “Arab World” – and there are Arabs refugees trying to get out of war zones and oppressive regimes. We have a refugee crisis all over the world and we have sexual violence incidents that are taking place in Europe that are foreign to the type of sexual violence Europe is familiar with. Really what do we do now, how do we discuss this? Do we silence the woman who were harassed and sexually assaulted in Tahrir to maintain our “Arab World” image? Do we silence the women and the discussion about what happened in Cologne to protect the refugees? Do we swipe under our carpets the patriarchal nature of how the world, and the “Arab world” deal with woman bodies? Do we flatten the multi layered politics in all of this? What do we do? Shall we keep hiding our every day realities and compromise the safety and health of our bodies just because the west looks at us as a less “modern” states? Do we let the west expel that refugees because they are not culturally “appropriate” for the “modern” western culture? But do we as well look at every refugee or every Arab man as a sexual predator?

Of course not, of course we do not silence the women neither in Tahrir, or cologne or any part of the world. And of course we do not swipe our own problems of patriarchy under the carpet, let us start by stopping the silencing. Let us also start by stopping this constant violent concealment of the “Arab world” issues regarding sexual violence because we are too scared to air our dirty laundry infront of the west. We keep talking about how the western debate about the “Arab World” is Eurocentric, but we might be reproducing this eurocentrism by avoiding talking about sexual assault and violence in our countries just out of fear of breaching our “Arab World” image. And as for the west, it needs to debate with us, but sometimes it also needs to shut up and listen to what we have to say about our lives, instead of trying to generalize who we are and how we behave in the west.

Writing is very critical, epistemology have the power to discursively render anything as good or bad, to include and expel, so how many similar articles about the sexual misery of the “Arab World” can we afford!?

And let’s talk about the linguistics of the “Arab World”. This phrase has been in quotations for a reason. Is there really a one singular “Arab World”, is it a "world" anyway. It is just a set of countries like Europe, but we barely share the same spoken languages, currencies or cultures. This hegemony of the Arab world needs to stop, we need to start naming countries by their names, not out of a border fetish, but out of a realization that our countries are different, the level of patriarchy and capitalism and most importantly resistance in them differs. So this hegemonization of the “Arab World” really needs to stop. Our resilience and resistance are not flat or hegemonic, and out of respect to that, the world needs to start recognizing them and dealing with them as profound and multiple!

Now regarding the Arab world sexual misery article, I need to make a few points: there is a huge difference between sex and sexual assault, the whole shade of gray is called consent and if consent is absent, sex turns into rape. So how did this get mixed up in the article? Also, sex can happen out of desire, love is not a prerequisite for sex. Most importantly what was highly disturbing about reading that article was the pathologization of sexual violence.

The "Arab world" does not have a sick relationship to women, it has a patriarchal relationship to women and that's a totally different story. The pathologization of the history of patriarchy under capitalism and describing the structural violence women undergo as "sick" justifies violence against women by making it sound like an illness and not a behavior based on social norms and structures. The patriarchal system that structurally violates women bodies on daily bodies and produce them as disposable and dehumanized, is a system of oppression that targets all genders, but especially women bodies and sexuality. Patriarchy is not only a mode of thinking, it has its own economy as well. Also, attributing sexual violence and patriarchy to sickness is an insult to those who suffer from mental health issues. And this is what is meant when people talk about language as discursive! 

Also, in the article in the famous New York times (what a surprise) there's a general feeling of attributing and relating sexual violence to male sexual frustration. Sex is a taboo, yes, it is, but sex is not tucked under the table in the "Arab World" it is spoken of every minute. Videos of Sheikh's talking about sex are published online every day, sex is all over the media, so talking about sex is always there, the problem is not that sex is unspoken of, the problem is how it is being addressed. I am very sick and tired of people denying the hyper sexualization of everything is the media and in Arab countries and disregarding those essential facts just because sex is not being talked about in a positive manner. If something does not fit your description of how it should be addressed that does not mean it not being addressed, even if the method of addressing it is oppressive.

That said, among many other things, I pause my question again, we know that it is important to talk, to ask questions, but how do we do that without flattening societal violence and societal issues? Does sexual violence coming from what the west identified as "foreigners" towards women entitle the west to make rapists and predators out of all refugees? And how can we deal with all of this? How can it stop? Those are questions I struggle with everyday, and I hope you do too. because this is when we can actually start talking productively about the patriarchal system in this world.

Sunday, November 15, 2015

About the becoming of our bodies as "disposable"

Explosion in Beirut on one night, followed by an explosion in Baghad, followed by an explosion in Paris. In the middle of all this, one cannot but stand in silence and grief for the horrifying moment we live in. I will not go into the details about which explosion is sadder, i mean how does one quantify that? Is this a misery competition where people decide to selectively grief for a human's death more than another? I am not trying to flatten the complexity of the situation, neither i am trying to flatten the importance of political geographies, but the death of civilians is devastating, regardless of who they are. Now maybe we feel more concern towards places we have been to, towards areas we built a bond with, depending on where we live. Therefore of course the bombing of Dahiye struck me much harder than the bombing of Paris given that i live in Beirut, because i called about 7 friends and their families between the first 5 minutes of receiving the horrifying news and the sigh of relief that my friends and their families all survived it. A five minutes of intense anxiety, of fear of loss, of the anticipation of the end of life as we know it before it and after it!  And then the misery of learning how many people died, how many injured, the brutality of bombing the most populated crowded market in Dahiye. But again, that is exactly why i feel such sense of solidarity with Baghdad and Paris, because apart from death being so devastating itself, i know that someone in my position called a friend and they did not pick up, and their life as they know it, ended! 

Those who have lost a loved one before know that there is life before they lost a loved one, and life after it, and that life will never be the same after it. 

I am very sick of the people who are making fun of the Paris bombing just because they have political stances against the "west". It is one thing to have political disagreement with the west and detest its politics and regimes and governance and colonialism and so on, it is another to make fun of death of civilians. 

That said, after watching both the coverage of the Dahiye bombing and the paris bombing, a lot of questions struck me very hard: why is it that the world feel so much more solidarity with paris then Beirut or Baghdad? I know that white lives globally matter much more than our lives (middle eastern lives, people of color lives everywhere) - sadly - but what is beyond that, what is the concealed in all the reading of who is a human being with a life that matters and who is not? 

Media coverage and its participation in our disposability 

On the Dahiye bombing night if you sit and watch TV, you will notice that there is no sense of any self censorship towards filming blood and destruction on live TV. Human pieces or even dead bodies. Even in the hospitals, injured people were interviewed directly after their treatment while they are lying in their beds, injured. And that image looked so disturbingly familiar. 

If we go back in history, we notice that this is not the first time a news channel covering a bombing or clashes in any of Syria, Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine and Lybia does that. Does the showing of sabotaged ripped apart bodies, tortured bodies, scattered body parts, intestines of a human being on the ground. There is always this sense of shoving in our faces those violent images that are not only violent towards us as viewers but towards the body of the dead or injured humans themselves. 

The world have learnt to recognize our bodies, our brown bodies as ones that are injured, scattered, ripped apart and dead. Even we are learning to recognize and identify our bodies as such. Even we sometimes think of our bodies and our lives as disposable, as ones that survived this bombing but might not survive the other. Comprehension of how our bodies become more disposable to the world lies in the comparative approaches of how western media covers its bombing events and how our local media and international media cover our bodies in bombings. Paris media coverage did not show us dead bodies, we barely saw images of covered bodies, covered with sheets....

The bodies of people from the middle east are always on TV in pain, in war. Almost everyday an explosion strikes Iraq, Syria is in constant war, Lebanon is famous for its constant bomb outbursts  and the world is watching recklessly as if they have become so used to this situation that it became the norm. And here is where the media played the most important role in the normalization of our bodies as DEAD BODIES. And this is where we are more and more becoming disposable to the world, thus minimizing the sense of solidarity with our region in comparison to the level of solidarity with any bombing that happens in the west. 

The brutal visual festival that takes place in the Lebanese media coverage of bombings maybe aims to collect solidarity, to show reality and portray the horror of what is happening; to mirror the pain that people suffered, but this possibility strikes as hard: why do we need to see blood to know how heavy and miserable and violent it is to be bombed? Might is be that we got so used to seeing such brutal violating visuals of dead bodies and blood to the extent that just the mere fact that 48 people died does not move us as hard? And how sad and violent is that? You see, it is a vicious cycle! 

Finally, again i am not trying to flatten the politics of what life matters more, i need to reiterate that i do realize that western - white in specific - lives matter more to the west and the whole world, but through this reading i am trying to add to the complexity of this debate, and to break out of this parrot  like repetition of why the western lives matter more than ours! 

Thursday, October 22, 2015

تايملاين الحراك بالأغاني : اناشيد ثورجية

منذ بدء الحراك الشعبي في لبنان ضد سلطة النفايات تسارعت الأحداث، ولكل المهتمين ولدواعي تاريخية نجد من الضروري أن نعطي كل حدث قيمته ونهدي كل منهم أغنية بمقام الحدث.

  تايملاين الحراك بالأغاني 

        كيف تعاملت السلطة مع ألحق بالتظاهر منذ البداية, ومن غير الأخت نجوى لتجيب على هذا السؤال وتقول "بالمي لا ترميني  . بخاف من المي أنا شوي شوي بالهداوي لا تتعوض عالشقاوي "


بعد الغاز المسيل للدموع والرش بالماء بدأت حملت الإعتقالات ويسجل هنا إهتمام ملحوظ للدولة بالأطفال القاصيرين
"مين الشاغل بالك سميرا يا صغيرة، يا بتحكيلي حالك يا بسأل كل الجيرة"

وفي خلال المظاهرات قررت القوة أمنيت طمأنت الشعب أنها منهم ولهم ولحمايتهم. ولهم منا إهدأ خاص "على مين على مين على مين في 
الحب ملكش أمان

وبعد الإعتقالات كانت التهم

أقلاق راحة وبسكوت" طب شوف الذاي أنا حقلق رحتك"

الاندساس "وسلامتها أم حسن من العين والحسد" 

الإعتداء على الأملاك العامة "بوس الواوا واوا واوا

وهنا وبخصوص الخوف والنحيب على الممتلكات نود أن نوجه سؤلا: طيب عمرك شفت شي باب عام يبكي ؟ 

وأخيراً وليس أخراً قررت النقابات إعلان الإضراب وبخصوص رفض بعد السياسين للإضراب لهم نهدي هذه الأغنية 

وهنا نطالب الحراك بإعلان هذه الأغاني أغاني الثورة رسمياً بالإضافة الى كل أغاني بريتني سبيرز    


Sunday, August 30, 2015

Police violence is not new to women - a reminder in times of clash

Since its a rebellious moment, down with introductions i will directly jump to the heart of the points i would like to discuss here, and i will try to be brief.

Dear male "comrade" who was asking the women in the protest to retreat to the back rows during the escalation of police violence;

You are now witnessing the masculine state violence that we experience in our everyday. Maybe the police violence in protests is more direct - in your face kind of thing - but violence being structural take different shapes and forms...

If you were asking the women in the protest to retreat back because you are worried about them from the police violence, let me tell you one thing: this violence is not new to us, we deal with this violence constantly, and if it was ever to make us retreat, none of us would've went out of their houses anymore.

It might not be your first encounter with police violence, but neither is it ours. We get harassed by the police everyday in the streets, physically and verbally. The police members use their position of power in every governmental position they hold in order to belittle us, to evaluate our beauty, even to take our phone numbers and ask us out, and if we refuse and confront them, bureaucracy will collapse on our heads, and that's the least damage there is etc,. And the latter is the silliest example i can give you.

So you want to talk about police violence, lets talks about police violence. 

Let me remind you who dismisses the phone calls of the women who are being beaten up at home by their husbands; which in a lot of times lead to their death. Let me remind you who denies women accessibility to reporting rape by ignoring the violence they were subjected to and justifying rape in police stations by asking "what were you wearing" and "what were you doing there at that time of the night". The police asks women these questions when they are reporting rape! Let me ask you who do you think slut shames women everyday? Who do you think bullies our sisters - the migrant domestic workers - on the base of gender, class, color and race? Who directly allows their suicide through its policies against them? They kill our sisters, they complicate, harass, and patronize them similarly to what they do to the refugees. They kill us, they harass us, the dismiss and silence us.  Therefore this fight with the police is not new to us, if anything, it is familiar to us more than any man in this country (especially the more privileged ones).

To be fair, i know this fight might not be new to you - especially if you were a person from a working class, especially if you were poor, and come from a marginalized area,  if you were a disposable body for the state, but i am writing this to reiterate one point, hoping that maybe it will go through: you are now witnessing the macho masculine violence that is similar to civil male violence that is daily inflicted on us. You are now in direct contact with the power hierarchies - you remember those - the ones you try to blame us for brining up at the table all the time -  these power hierarchies  that tries to disarm you from all your tools by dismissing your needs and once your tone escalates in demanding your rights, it resorts to physical violence in order to silence you - this is what patriarchy is, it is how it works, how it is structured and how it functions among many other things.

 She who passes next to a police check point everyday listening to detailed descriptions about how the police member would like to fuck her might not be surprised with the level of violence they can practice. She might not be surprised with their thirst to beat us up, to bomb us, to shoot us, to arrest us. She might be afraid from their guns, gas and sticks, from arrest and death, just as you might be, but that never stopped you so why would it stop her?

The police violence we are all undergoing is a mirror that reflects that most rooted traits of patriarchy, from violence, to oppression to imprisonment to silencing and so on. Now it is for you to choose to see the correlation or to ignore it.

Now that your body is in the street, stripped out of all its privilege, and in a direct confrontation with power and violence, your experience in the public sphere is slightly similar to our experience in the public realm; so can you see now that feminists kill joy for a good reason?

I have a lot of things i want to discuss but i will write them tomorrow since i promised to be brief, and we all try to keep our promises, well, unless we are the state.

Monday, August 3, 2015

عن بيروت الحقيقية، التي تنضح بما فيها

لم يكن طارق الملاح الأول، وللأسف نظراً لإستبداد نظام القمع الذي نعيش تحته، لن يكون الأخير الذي يعتقل، ومطالبتنا بالحرية لطارق لم تكن صرخة فقط لإخراجه من السجن، كانت أيضاً صرخة لإخراجنا من سجن الفساد والقمع في بلد أصبحت صورته الخارجية مع أزمة النفايات حقيقية. فبيروت اليوم صريحة، تنضح بما فيها، رائحتها تعكس رائحة نظام طبقي طائفي لا يخجل من ممارسة بطشه في العلن، لا يخجل من لقب السجان أو  واقع أنه رمى بأصغر الممارسات الديمقرطية في مكب نفايات التمديد، فكم سنة مرت على الانتخبات؟ برلمان ممدد لنفسه يتناسى أنه أولاً وأخيراً موجود في خدمة الشعب.  ولا يتناسى التالي فقط, بل يؤكد عبر ممارسته البطش أنه لا يخدم إلا نفسه، ومصالحه الشخصية.  لن نضحك على أنفسنا ونطالب بإنتخابات، فالتاريخ أثبت أنه مهما حصل، ما زالت هذه الطبقة السياسية تحكم في ظل نظام طائفي بحسب الطائف، فالنتيجة ستكون نفسها. ديناصورات الحكم لن يرحلوا، هم باقون، ونحن نزول، نتعب، نتمرد، نعترض، ثم نتعب وعند أول فرصة للرحيل، نحن الذين نرحل، لأن نظام القمع الذي نعيش تحته وقح مهما حاولنا طرده لن يرحل. فهل بإمكان أن ننسى للحظة المطالبة بدولة ونتذكر المطلبة  بالتحرر منها؟ 
أقوى ما في هذا النظام هو أنه نظام قمع هيكلي، والتالي هو أيضاً مرات تعكس ضعفه وهشاشته. هو نظام يخاف ويرتعب من الناشطين ضده، فيمارس أسهل وأعنف طرقه القمعية بعزل الناشيطين والاستفراد بهم، فيرميهم في السجن. يستفرد بهم/ن ليومين أو ثلاثة في فرع المعلومات، حيث لا يمكن أن يدخل محامي أو يخرج عن المحتجزون أي خبر.  وبذلك هذا النظام لا ينكلأ أن يبرهن انه لا يزال نفسه منذ الحرب الأهلية حتى في طريقة حكمه، فهو يعتمد الخطف القانوني كوسيلة ترهيب، فهذه الدولة لا تحتجز الناشطين، هذه الدولة تخطفهم، كما كانت  المليشيات تخطف الناس أيام الحرب.  يخرج الناشطون بعض الاحتجاز, خاصة اذا كان الشارع ضد بالمرصاد, ولكن ماذا يحدث في اليومين من الاحتجاز؟ ماذا يحدث في السجن في بلد تخرج منه بين اليوم والاخر تقريرات عن التعذيب الممنهج الذي يمارسه السجانين على المساجين....سياسة الترهيب والكسر النفسي عبر الاحتجاز, هكذا تتعامل "دولة القانون" مع مواطنيها. وهنا نعي ان ضرورة صرختنا للحرية لا يجب فقط ان تكون صرخة لحرية أصدقائنا المسجونين, بل صرخة اعمق واكبر لتحررنا من فكرة السجن كعقاب, من عقدة السجن والعزل
وبالرغم من انني ممكن ان اتكلم لساعات عن نظام الدولة الفاسد بكل مؤسساتها, انا اكتب هذه المرة لاشارككم ببعض النقاط التي نغفل عنها باوقات الازمة. واولها ان لبنان اليوم ليس بازمة استثنائية, الازمة موجودة منذ سنين, هي الان اصبحت اكثر شفافية لانها اصبحت واضحة للعين... والانف ايضا. ازمة النفايات اليوم ليست غير القشرة التي تغطي في الظاهر مشاكل اعمق واعنف من النفايات. تحتها تختبئ اشكاليات الخصخصة وفشل الدولة المفتعل في معالجة اي مشكلة اجتماعية فتعتزل وتعتزل وتعتزل حتى تصبح الحالة كارثية. وهنا تصبح الخصخصة كخشبة خلاص للشعب الذي في ظل الازمة التي تفتعلها الدولة يقتنع بها كحل جزري. فالازمات لا تحصل في الدول, اذ ان ما يبرر وجود الدولة أصلاً هو قدرتها على "تنظيم" المجتمع,  انها موجودة لتنظيم المجتمع, فكيف تصبح هناك ازمات اذا لم تكن مفتعلة؟
ثانيا, اوضحت مشكلة النفايات ان النظام الطبقي كالهواء, موجود في كل شيء. فالواضح حتى خلال لم النفايات من الشارع, وفي هذه الازمة بالتحديد, ان بعض المناطق التي هي من الطبقة العليا او الوسطى هي لها الاولوية بلم نفاياتها, فتصبح صحة سكان هذه المنطقة وشكلها ولم نفاياتها من الشارع هي اولية على الأحياء التي من الطبقات الادنى. وهذا الشيى يوضح يوماً بعد يوم أن المشكلة الأصلية في الصراع الطائفي أنه غطاء محكم لمشكلة طبقية أعمق
وهكذا تصنع الازمة, تخاط لنا ويخاط معها حلول وهمية لا تفعل شيء الا ان ترمي في المشكلة الهيكلية لهذا الحكم تحت السجادة وعندها نهدأ ونعود الى تخديرنا اليومي بالتعامل مع كل شيء على انه العادي اليومي. نعود لندفع فواتير الكهرباء مرتين والماء مرتين ونعيش في الغلاء. وتعود ازمة اخرى لتسقط القناع ونعود لنثور ليومين وثم نهدأ. هذه هي المشكلة في ان نصنف النفايات كأزمة, فملف النفايات ليس الا العوارض للمرض الاكبر وهو النظام الحاكم وطبقاته السياسية
وهنا اريد ان اعود الى طارق, الى الربط الا محال بين تقاطعيات قضاياه, فطارق وكما كلنا نعلم لم يدخل الى السجن لانه فقط رمى سيارة الوزير بالزبالة انما لانه تكلم عن لاغتصاب في دار الايتام, فوقف في وجه رجال الدين الذين يحكمون البلد بإشارة. فعومل طارق بالطريقة التي يعامل فيها كل رجل او امرأة تكلمن عن الاغتصاب, عومل بالاسكات ونصح بستر عورته. وهنا يتضح ابعد من فساد هذا النظام وعنفه, يتضح ايضا ذكوريته التي لا يمكن فصلها عن المطالب الحقوقية ووضعها جانبا, اذ ان نظام الدومينو الذي نعيش فيه لن يسقط ما زالت احد اعمدته صامدا بحجة انها معركة مختلفة. واعود الى الاحتجاز, الذي برهن ان التدخل في  استقلالية القضاء هي ايضا من المعارك التي  يجب خوضها حتى لا ننتهي في سجون فروع المعلومات وزنزاناتهن التي تخطف باسم القانون وحفظ امن الدولة
اذا سألتوني عن بيروت اليوم, بيروت هي جحيم مستمر, الفرق انه كشف عن انيابه. الفرق فيه اننا ضاق صدرنا واصبح النفس اصعب مع رائحة هذا النظام التي تعف من الشوارع. واسألوني عن بيروت غدا فهي ستبقى كما هي لو نحن استمرينا باتباع نظام الاولويات في معاركنا ضد هذا النظام, اذا استمرينا في فعل ما فعلناه  في الماضي في التبرء من معارك كالمعركة ضد الذكورية مثلا على انه "ليس الوقت المناسب". اعمدة هذا النظام من ذكوريته,لرأسماليته, لعنصريته, وطبقيته, ونفاياته, طائفيته ودولته يجب ان يهدم, سيبدأ بالانهيار في اللحظة الذي نعي فيها انه مرتبط ببعضه البعض واننا نعيش في ازمة داخل ازمة داخل ازمة منذ زمن طويل, والازمة اليوم ليست الاستثناء لا بل هي القاعدة.